12.15.08 The Independent: Britain should cease its one-sided support of Rwanda

 

 Paul Kagame, Rwanda's
clever and combative president has been a favourite of Britain's Africa
ministers going back to Clare Short and Lynda Chalker before her. Rwanda's government receives tens of millions in
direct budget support from Britain.
Tony Blair is its adviser. It is not hard to see why. The previous Rwandan
government organised the 1994 genocide, so when Kagame overthrew it and set up
a new government in Kigali he was seen as the
good guy by the US and Britain. Their
guilt over the decision to pull out the UN force in Rwanda as the genocide began
reinforced their moral support for Kagame.

 

When his fighters pursued the remnants of the old Rwandan army into Congo, Britain
and the US
did not ask too many questions. Nor did they question when Kagame's army and
their Ugandan allies, turned that pursuit into a full-scale attack on their
vast neighbour, Congo,
that ended in the overthrow of Mobutu Sese Seko, the corrupt old Congolese
dictator.

 

Kagame, a visionary leader and a formidable man of action, is warmly
welcomed in London and Washington. For them, at last, here was an
African leader who spoke their language of progress and could deliver. Rwanda's
education and health systems are good. Kagame says he wants to create a new Rwanda where
Hutu and Tutsi allegiances would be forgotten. Britain is prepared to pay for
that.

 

Kagame does not, however, believe in too much democracy. Parliamentary
elections last September were described by the EU observer team as lacking in
transparency. There was "an absence of real political opposition".
Kagame does not tolerate one.

 

But it is his behaviour in eastern Congo that causes most disquiet.
Kagame argues that Rwanda
will never be safe as long as the genocidaires – those who killed in 1994 – are
on the loose in Congo.
In 1998, when the government he installed in Congo began to support them and the
rump of the old Rwandan army camped there, Kagame and the Ugandans invaded
again. Britain and America kept
quiet.

 

This time their intervention triggered a terrible war in which some say
five million people have now died. They had all miscalculated the political
reaction from other African rulers and the Congolese, who objected to what they
saw as a Western-backed rogue state rampaging around the continent. The
Rwandans and Ugandans were stopped but they set up local Congolese allies in
the border zones. Most of these were Congolese Tutsis. And the genocidaires
were able to recruit and rearm as well – sometimes with support from the
Congolese army.

 

The war that had threatened to tear Congo
apart has become limited to a vicious battle for the Kivus; eastern Congo and Uganda
and Rwanda's
borderlands. The Tutsi population was now under threat, seen as a fifth column
for the Rwandans. Its self styled protector in North Kivu
is the flamboyant but murderous Laurent Nkunda, a Congolese Tutsi and once a
member of Kagame's army.

 

In November he carried out a massacre of some 150 people at Kiwanja.
Kagame denies he is a Rwanda
proxy but the UN report shows he uses Rwandan banks and has had direct support
from the army. It also shows how Nkunda's forces operate out of Rwandan
territory and recruit soldiers from its army.

 

The argument that this is about protecting Congo's Tutsi minority is undermined
by Nkunda's grab for the region's wealth. Local people have been forced to mine
gold, diamonds, casserite and other minerals that abound in Kivu and export
them through Kigali,
the Rwandan capital. What had begun as an apparently defensive military
operation to protect Rwanda
and Uganda from genocidal
gangs in Congo
seemed to be turning into a violent imperialism aimed more at looting the area
than bringing peace.

 

On paper the solution is simple. The rump of fighters who carried out
the genocide now operating in eastern Congo, and Nkunda's forces must
both disarm or be disarmed. The two states – and Uganda – must make this happen and
make peace. There is no major issue between the states of Congo, Rwanda
and Uganda,
but nor is there trust between them. Outsiders must help build that trust and Britain, a
medium-sized player in the region, must not been seen as backing one side or
the other. It is time to tell Kagame that if he does not rein in Nkunda, Britain
will not fund his government.

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