08 04 14 Reuters : Decades after genocide, Congo struggles to dislodge Rwanda rebels
A
Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) soldier walks
toward a distribution center near Lushubere Camp in Masisi, km ( miles)
northwest of Goma, December 19, 2008.
CREDIT: REUTERS/T.J. KIRKPATRICK
The
Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) sits at the heart
of two decades of war and instability in Democratic Republic of Congo, in which millions of people have died from violence, hunger and disease.
Founded
by members of the Interahamwe Hutu militia that organized the slaughter
of 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus in Rwanda in 1994, the FDLR's
ranks have dwindled over the last decade to less than 2,000 rag-tag
fighters.
But
its presence in eastern Congo remains an irritant to Rwanda's Tutsi
leadership, which has held power since the genocide, and has prompted
years of meddling by Kigali in its larger neighbor, fuelling instability
and bloodshed. Experts say removing the FDLR is essential for peace in
the Great Lakes region.
Now
Congo's army, supported by a tough new U.N. Intervention Brigade and
emboldened by its defeat of a rival Tutsi-led rebellion, has pledged to
finally eradicate the Hutu group.
Backed
by artillery from the U.N. brigade, the army in February started
pounding positions held by the FDLR on the roads climbing into the steep
hills of Congo's North Kivu province, driving the militia from
roadblocks used to extort money from locals.
When
the guns fell silent, it became clear the rebels had not gone far from
the main town of Tongo, retreating less than five km (three miles) from
army lines. Unconcerned by the army's efforts, FDLR troops in camouflage
uniforms lounged near clearings where their wives tended plots of
coffee and beans.
"There's
nothing to fear here," said Bosco, commander of the group of fighters,
using the Kinyarwanda language of Rwanda. One of his fighters, too young
to have held a gun when the 1994 genocide took place, agreed: "Whatever
happens, we will stay."
The
stuttering campaign against the FDLR underscores how complex a task it
will be to defeat it. Speaking the same language as villagers,
inter-married with them and forming part of the local economy, FDLR fighters have woven themselves into the fabric of life in eastern Congo and use the population as its human shield.
"The
challenge is to isolate these people and allow the Congolese army to
continue its operations," said Brigadier General Anil Kumar Samantara,
commander of U.N. operations in North Kivu.
AMNESTY FOR LEADERS?
Colonel
Olivier Hamuli, spokesman for Congo's army, said that a full offensive
against the FDLR had not yet begun. Reuters witnesses saw Congolese army
trucks carrying troops down the winding, hairpin road as they pulled
back toward the provincial capital Goma.
Congo's
last war officially ended in 2003 but its mineral-rich east has seen no
peace since then. The local population has been preyed upon by the
FDLR, a series of Tutsi-led rebel groups backed by Rwanda, and the
ill-disciplined and rapacious army.
The
army scored a rare success in November by defeating the M23 rebels, the
latest incarnation of the Tutsi-commanded insurgency, a year after they
had humiliated the government by seizing Goma. The U.N. Intervention
Brigade was instrumental in this, deploying helicopter gunships and
artillery barrages but such tactics are of limited use against the FDLR.
"M23
was very visible. They weren't using guerrilla tactics," Samantara
said. "It won't be like that with FDLR as they're living among the local
villagers in difficult and unknown territory."
Previous
attempts to eliminate the FDLR, first by Rwanda when it occupied parts
of eastern Congo and later by joint Rwandan and Congolese operations,
have failed. Rebels have melted away into North Kivu's dense parks and
jungle, and civilians caught in the crossfire have paid a heavy price.
"Military
offensives have been effective in the past but they displaced over a
million Congolese and killed hundreds of others. That's not a price we
should be willing to pay," said Jason Stearns, a project director at the
Rift Valley Institute.
Stearns
suggested that an agreement to relocate FDLR commanders in a third
country with an amnesty agreement could help to end the rebellion
peacefully. Only a handful of top commanders need be covered by such a
deal, he said.
"It
would not mean amnesty for war crimes or crimes against humanity," he
said. "The package would need to be tailored to individual cases. But
we're only talking about 100 people here."
Kigali
refuses talks with the group, saying the FDLR wants to continue the
slaughter of 1994. The rebels say few of their members took part in the
genocide and they are fighting for democracy in their homeland.
From
bases in Congo, the FDLR has launched a handful of attacks on Rwanda, a
tiny nation with one of Africa's best armies, but the last was in 2012.
FDLR numbers have plummeted due to a U.N. demobilization program that
has repatriated 25,000 fighters and their dependents to Rwanda since
2002.
The
repatriations have slowed to a trickle, however. The U.N. mission in
Congo said that in the week March 25 to April 2 only six FDLR fighters
gave themselves up for reintegration.
Complicating
matters, Kinshasa's forces have long fought alongside the FDLR against
Rwanda's army and its proxies in eastern Congo. Accusations and
counter-accusations over the FDLR have fed tensions between Kinshasa and
Kigali.
General
Victor Byiringiro, interim FDLR president, said his men had held their
positions on the ground but the group had in December pledged not to
fight against Congolese, Rwandan or U.N. troops in return for talks. "We
ask for a dialogue to allow us to deal with Rwandan problems linked to
democracy," he said.
SETTLE SCORES
Rwandan
officials, asked about the recent attacks on FDLR positions, remain
skeptical over Congo's willingness to eliminate the militia. "There were
no military operations. Who is fooling who?" said Brigadier General
Joseph Nzabamwita, a spokesman for Rwanda's army and Defence Ministry.
Civilians
in Tongo, a gateway to the Masisi's fertile hills, welcome the respite
from rebel occupation but they have little doubt they would return if
pressure is not sustained.
"The
government must reinforce their positions and keep going," said
Semasaka Murara Bulenda, Tongo's local chief. "If the FDLR return,
they'll want to settle scores with locals."
Bulenda
has reason to fear reprisals. Human Rights Watch documented the deaths
of at least 100 Congolese civilians following the last major offensive
against the rebels in January 2009, a joint operation by Congolese and
Rwandan troops.
Enjoying
more regular pay, U.N. supplies and better leadership, Congolese troops
took some steps towards improving their battlefield reputation with the
defeat of M23.
However,
Samantara, the U.N. commander, said there were already signs of
slippage. "We've seen an increase in negative incidents committed by
army soldiers since January – looting against the civilian population,
and some rape cases."
This does not pass unnoticed by those caught in-between.
"The
FDLR treat us fairly well but the army soldiers harass us," said
Christina Sengyuva, a woman working in the fields near Tongo. "If I had
to choose between the two, I would prefer to live with the FDLR than
with the army."
(Additional reporting by Chrispin Mvano in Goma and Jenny Clover in Kigali; Editing byDavid Lewis, Daniel Flynn and Giles Elgood)
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