11.03.08 Ota Benga Alliance, Interview with Ernest Wamba dia Wamba on the Crisis in the DRC

Wamba: I think that the change of the balance of
forces on the terrain is part of the reason. The scope of the
humanitarian catastrophe forces many western people connected with
media, with humanitarian organizations and also the rising interest in
the situation of the DRC around the US elections. One hears that the
incumbent regime would like to create hot situations either to help the
Republican candidate or to create faits accomplis for the new
regime to deal with. Around certain universities in the US, for
example, for the first time a trend has developed to take up the issue
of the silence on killings in the DRC. And, we have to add also the
need for western capitalists, after the Chinese contract with the DRC
government, to re-assume their control over the Congolese resources. We
hear that the idea of a Kosovo is being played, but, if it
materializes, it will not be for Congolese peoples’ interest but to
have control over very important mineral and agricultural potential
resources of the area.

Manji: The mass media in the west predictably seeks
to portray the conflict as tribal. But what is this conflict about?
What are the political and economic factors behind the conflict?

Wamba: Tribal differences have never been a cause of
conflict; other conditions must prevail to transform differences into
discriminations and these to lead to conflicts. There are of course
many unresolved issues since the Rwandese genocide took place and many,
including genocidaires, moved maassively to the DRC as recommended by
the international community. Nkunda, for example, does use the presence
of the FDLR [Democratic Liberation Forces of Rwanda], still committed
to retake power in Rwanda and perhaps carry out genocide, as one reason
for his war. The truth of the matter is that we have to distinguish
between the main objective–access and control over the resources–and
the conditions facilitating that objective—the existence of
genocidaires creating havoc among the innocent people, the sentiments
of exclusion still felt by the Tutsi Congolese, the involvement of the
DRC government with those genocidaires (used as the government’s
marines, according to someone), and the possible alliances between
business people aligned with government officials of States in the
region. Most of our regional governments are actually led by security
officers allied to businessmen. It is said that Rwandese businessmen,
among others, have been financing Nkunda to keep control of the mines
and continue exploitation of minerals–coltan, nobium, etc., very much
sought by transnational enterprises producing or distributing mobile
phones, satellites, etc.

The subsoil of the whole country–DRC–has almost been sold out with
contracts to so-called partners. Quite a few family members of people
in power, from the summit on, find themselves on those contracts. One
suspects that in zones where there is no firm control by any State,
weapons decide everything. In a sense, Kivu is now the weakest link of
the globalisation chain. We need to identify the different
contradictions converging there. The absence of a real State authority,
apparently willed by some who are in the State, facilitates the agents
of the world economy of crime.

Manji: What are the roles of Rwanda, Uganda, Zimbabwe and Angola in this conflict? What’s in it for them?

Wamba: After having experienced the destabilization
experiences by a Mobutist gendarme State, many neighbouring countries
would rather prefer having a weak Congo around, especially if they can
even benefit from that weakness by engaging also in the looting of
resources of the Congo. The invisible alliances in business facilitate
those kinds of pursuits. Certain officials in Uganda and in Kinshasa at
some point did have joint business going on. Rwanda has an interest it
uses contradictorily: the presence of the genocidaires to claim that
its security is threatened and keeping a situation of anarchy to have
access to resources on which its businessmen have been enriching
themselves. Their participation in the last two rebellions made them
taste the resources available in Congo and in fact want to continue
enjoying them in one way or another. The task of organized government
in Kinshasa would have been to find ways of legalizing participation in
the common exploitation of resources. This process has been very slow
and one feels that the anarchy is found more profitable in the short
run.

Manji: We have witnessed attacks from within Sudan by the LRA [Lord's Resistance Army]. How does that play into the situation?

Wamba: On the issue of LRA, I do not know much. It
would seem to me that it may just be a case of banditry connected with
the war zone; LRA has been accused of looting resources and children to
carry the loot and use them also as fighters.

Manji: The European Union and other countries are
deeply engaged in exploitation of DRC’s resources? To what extent are
they culpable in the current crisis?

Wamba: Certain transnational enterprises were
identified by the UN panel some time back: Anglo-America, Standard
Chartered Bank, De Beers, etc. The nature of the minerals being
exploited in the area can only be used by advanced enterprises, and
Africans are just intermediaries. The campaign against the DRC-China
contract by the West is an indication of their willingness to control
the Congo’s resources. The sad part is that, profitability through
bloody coltan being higher, they do not really care about the life of
the innocent Congolese, only to reduce the miseries through so-called
humanitarian punctual aid–not to eradicate violence altogether.

Manji: Are we witnessing the ‘balkanisation’ of the DRC?

Wamba: The rebels are occupying an area of about three
territories. It is not clear whether in negotiations they will accept
to give it up. If the DRC government does not succeed in getting that
territory back, and if external forces support the keeping of the
territory by the rebels, a small but very rich country will be formed
and the impact on the rest of the country may lead to a real
balkanisation. The government is being asked not to give up to that
demand if formulated. Congolese people are firm for their territorial
integrity.

Manji: Does the Kinshasa government have any control of the situation?

Wamba: Not really, that is why it has been criticizing
the MONUC [United Nations Mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo]
for its own failure to arrest the war. Because of the nature of
leadership we have, mostly interested in looting resources and staying
in power, condoning impunity,etc., institutions hardly function. Most
of what it promised to do is not being done, including national
reconciliation and building of a real national army. Even the new
government being sworn in does not seem to inspire confidence in the
population. Much useless dead wood (but behaving as if the Republic is
their private property–the so-called the parallel government) has been
re-included.

Manji: What should be the response of pan Africans to the present situation?

Wamba: Call for a regional African peoples’
conference, if there is a way to make this happen. What is needed even
for democracy to be built in the area is that the people do agitate to
really build a post-neoliberalist developmentalist State. In the short
run, we should agitate against any possible balkanisation, for the
application of the Nairobi agreements, for the exchange of embassies
between the DRC and its neighbors Rwanda and Uganda, and for an urgent
humanitarian intervention.