09 03 12 Congo Siasa – Interview: Is there too much focus on sexual violence in the Congo?
Q: The choice of anchoring the article in the Luvungi
case is controversial––the United Nations published an extensive report suggesting
387 people had been raped, which has been supported by Human Rights
Watch and the United Nations Group of Experts. The
International Medical Corps, which you criticize in your article, has also responded to your
article in the pages of Foreign Policy. How do you respond to this criticism?
A: Yes, it is indeed
controversial. When I first visited Luvungi with a Congolese colleague while we
were in the area doing other research in 2011, I was instantly skeptical of
what local sources we spoke to told us about how the incident had actually
transpired, because the accounts diverged so much from the established
narrative about the event. But as I spent time talking to people there I found
it interesting that an entirely different explanation about the incident
existed that had never even been hinted at in the public reporting. This
prompted me to look more closely at where the actual source of the public
narrative was, and all the news coverage, U.N. investigations, and NGO reports
had used one account as the starting point: IMC’s numbers.
controversial. When I first visited Luvungi with a Congolese colleague while we
were in the area doing other research in 2011, I was instantly skeptical of
what local sources we spoke to told us about how the incident had actually
transpired, because the accounts diverged so much from the established
narrative about the event. But as I spent time talking to people there I found
it interesting that an entirely different explanation about the incident
existed that had never even been hinted at in the public reporting. This
prompted me to look more closely at where the actual source of the public
narrative was, and all the news coverage, U.N. investigations, and NGO reports
had used one account as the starting point: IMC’s numbers.
When I asked IMC back in April
2011 about how they had come up with their numbers, their staff member
explained very openly that the numbers were unconfirmed because they were based
on self-reporting. As a medical aid group, IMC, quite understandably, isn’t in
the business of trying to forensically verify whether the person who comes to
them seeking assistance was truly victimized in the way she/he said she/he was.
If they ask for medical care, they receive it. But where the reporting on
Luvungi gets muddled is that the numbers that IMC gave to the media weren’t
most often presented as unconfirmed stats, nor was there any impression that
the count could possibly be smaller; IMC’s figures were typically presented as
a low estimate, and over the course of several weeks the numbers mounted. IMC
explains the growing numbers as the result of victims feeling more comfortable
coming forward. All of my local sources independently explain that since people
increasingly saw that the entire focus in the aftermath of what had been a
terrible attack — in which people lost all of their belongings and food stocks
— was on the victims of rape, the most likely way to ensure you didn’t get
left out of any aid response that might come was to say that you too were a
victim of sexual violence.
2011 about how they had come up with their numbers, their staff member
explained very openly that the numbers were unconfirmed because they were based
on self-reporting. As a medical aid group, IMC, quite understandably, isn’t in
the business of trying to forensically verify whether the person who comes to
them seeking assistance was truly victimized in the way she/he said she/he was.
If they ask for medical care, they receive it. But where the reporting on
Luvungi gets muddled is that the numbers that IMC gave to the media weren’t
most often presented as unconfirmed stats, nor was there any impression that
the count could possibly be smaller; IMC’s figures were typically presented as
a low estimate, and over the course of several weeks the numbers mounted. IMC
explains the growing numbers as the result of victims feeling more comfortable
coming forward. All of my local sources independently explain that since people
increasingly saw that the entire focus in the aftermath of what had been a
terrible attack — in which people lost all of their belongings and food stocks
— was on the victims of rape, the most likely way to ensure you didn’t get
left out of any aid response that might come was to say that you too were a
victim of sexual violence.
As I mention in the final section
of my FP piece, one woman in Luvungi explained that there was also an interest
among members of the community to go along with this narrative, because it
would mean that the women who truly were raped wouldn’t be ostracized. Several
other civil society sources had given me the same explanation, attributing this
decision to the local elders. “Once the gardiens
de coutume [elders] have made that decision, you can’t say anything
different,” one civil society leader explained to me.
of my FP piece, one woman in Luvungi explained that there was also an interest
among members of the community to go along with this narrative, because it
would mean that the women who truly were raped wouldn’t be ostracized. Several
other civil society sources had given me the same explanation, attributing this
decision to the local elders. “Once the gardiens
de coutume [elders] have made that decision, you can’t say anything
different,” one civil society leader explained to me.
But in short, what was striking as
I started looking into the incident was that all of the international groups
that reported on Luvungi took IMC’s account as a given and wrote their reports
from there; no one questioned, at least publicly, whether IMC had gotten the
original story right, even though IMC readily admits that they weren’t attempting
to confirm cases included in their count.
I started looking into the incident was that all of the international groups
that reported on Luvungi took IMC’s account as a given and wrote their reports
from there; no one questioned, at least publicly, whether IMC had gotten the
original story right, even though IMC readily admits that they weren’t attempting
to confirm cases included in their count.
Q: The broader point you are making seems less
controversial––there has been enormous attention to sexual violence, and this
seems to have had some perverse consequences. Can you explain what some of the
unintended side-effects of this campaigning has been? Pundits have suggested
that the focus on SGBV has deprived funding from other humanitarian programs
and have even argued that it has given incentives to armed groups to rape to
gain notoriety and leverage.
controversial––there has been enormous attention to sexual violence, and this
seems to have had some perverse consequences. Can you explain what some of the
unintended side-effects of this campaigning has been? Pundits have suggested
that the focus on SGBV has deprived funding from other humanitarian programs
and have even argued that it has given incentives to armed groups to rape to
gain notoriety and leverage.
Several academics have spent a
great deal of time looking into these issues, including Severine Autesserre (Columbia University),
Maria Eriksson Baaz (Nordic Africa Institute), and Maria Stern (University of
Gothenburg). Nynke Douma and Dorothea
Hilhorst, who wrote the 2012 Wageningen University paper entitled “Fond
de commerce?” compiled multiannual budgetary statistics from humanitarian
donors pooled funds and compared how funding for various themes (IDPs,
water/sanitation, security sector reform, sexual violence, etc.) is allotted. I
included in my FP piece their findings about how sexual violence funding
compares, for instance, to security sector reform funding (SSR is half as much)
and the peace building trust fund (sexual violence funding is nearly half as
large).
great deal of time looking into these issues, including Severine Autesserre (Columbia University),
Maria Eriksson Baaz (Nordic Africa Institute), and Maria Stern (University of
Gothenburg). Nynke Douma and Dorothea
Hilhorst, who wrote the 2012 Wageningen University paper entitled “Fond
de commerce?” compiled multiannual budgetary statistics from humanitarian
donors pooled funds and compared how funding for various themes (IDPs,
water/sanitation, security sector reform, sexual violence, etc.) is allotted. I
included in my FP piece their findings about how sexual violence funding
compares, for instance, to security sector reform funding (SSR is half as much)
and the peace building trust fund (sexual violence funding is nearly half as
large).
To give you one specific example
of the impact, Douma and Hilhorst drew some very interesting and troubling
conclusions about how the disproportionate focus on prosecuting sexual violence
crimes is skewing much needed judicial reforms. Drawing on the insights of two Congolese lawyers, they produced an
analysis of forty sexual violence case files. This review, supplemented by
interviews, led them to conclude: “Under pressure to combat impunity, […] an
increasing number of suspects are (sometimes innocently) convicted on the basis
of flawed proof.” They didn’t seek to determine whether suspects were indeed
guilty of the crime for which they were accused. Instead, they assessed whether
the convictions had the necessary legal backing to be valid. Of the 19
convictions, they found that half did not.
of the impact, Douma and Hilhorst drew some very interesting and troubling
conclusions about how the disproportionate focus on prosecuting sexual violence
crimes is skewing much needed judicial reforms. Drawing on the insights of two Congolese lawyers, they produced an
analysis of forty sexual violence case files. This review, supplemented by
interviews, led them to conclude: “Under pressure to combat impunity, […] an
increasing number of suspects are (sometimes innocently) convicted on the basis
of flawed proof.” They didn’t seek to determine whether suspects were indeed
guilty of the crime for which they were accused. Instead, they assessed whether
the convictions had the necessary legal backing to be valid. Of the 19
convictions, they found that half did not.
“It is
remarkable from our case studies that cases that result in release are much
better argued by the judges than the cases that result in conviction,” they
wrote in their 2012 paper, noting that some of their interviewees indicated
that judges feel pressure to defend why they decided to release a suspect.
Quoting one source, Douma and Hilhorst wrote: “If a presumed perpetrator of
sexual violence is found not-guilty by the court, the media reports on such
cases with disgust and incomprehension, influencing public opinion to believe
that all suspected perpetrators should be convicted no matter what.”
remarkable from our case studies that cases that result in release are much
better argued by the judges than the cases that result in conviction,” they
wrote in their 2012 paper, noting that some of their interviewees indicated
that judges feel pressure to defend why they decided to release a suspect.
Quoting one source, Douma and Hilhorst wrote: “If a presumed perpetrator of
sexual violence is found not-guilty by the court, the media reports on such
cases with disgust and incomprehension, influencing public opinion to believe
that all suspected perpetrators should be convicted no matter what.”
Q: Don't you think that the campaign against rape in
the Congo has been able to galvanize international attention and pressured
diplomats to focus on broader issues in the Congo? In other words, just as you
argue that this campaign has had negative side-effects, one could argue the
opposite: that it has had positive side-effects.
the Congo has been able to galvanize international attention and pressured
diplomats to focus on broader issues in the Congo? In other words, just as you
argue that this campaign has had negative side-effects, one could argue the
opposite: that it has had positive side-effects.
Absolutely. The fact that former
U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton personally made a point of visiting
eastern Congo, in spite of the security risks, during her August 2009 Africa
trip, is a testament to how the focus on sexual violence has generated much
needed attention. Clinton visited Heal Africa hospital, met with rape survivors
in a refugee camp on the outskirts of Goma, and announced $17 million in
funding to fight sexual violence, so it’s clear that what moved her to visit
the region was her concern in particular about the horrifying accounts of
violence against women. And her visit raised awareness about the conflict more
broadly too because it helped show that among the many challenges the region
and the continent faces, eastern Congo should be a priority for the
international community.
U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton personally made a point of visiting
eastern Congo, in spite of the security risks, during her August 2009 Africa
trip, is a testament to how the focus on sexual violence has generated much
needed attention. Clinton visited Heal Africa hospital, met with rape survivors
in a refugee camp on the outskirts of Goma, and announced $17 million in
funding to fight sexual violence, so it’s clear that what moved her to visit
the region was her concern in particular about the horrifying accounts of
violence against women. And her visit raised awareness about the conflict more
broadly too because it helped show that among the many challenges the region
and the continent faces, eastern Congo should be a priority for the
international community.
So yes, the particularly riveting
and emotional stories about rape in Congo are very important to highlight, in
and of themselves and because they can be an important entry point for
galvanizing concern and interest in Congo. Of course, the ever-present challenge
for advocacy is getting people (especially donors) to engage in addressing the
root causes after you’ve sparked their interest.
and emotional stories about rape in Congo are very important to highlight, in
and of themselves and because they can be an important entry point for
galvanizing concern and interest in Congo. Of course, the ever-present challenge
for advocacy is getting people (especially donors) to engage in addressing the
root causes after you’ve sparked their interest.
Q: What lessons about reporting on the Congo have you
been able to draw from your investigation? How should campaign groups and
journalists deal with the question of sexual violence?
been able to draw from your investigation? How should campaign groups and
journalists deal with the question of sexual violence?
One of the main takeaways for me,
which I hope I’ll always keep in mind while working as a journalist, is the
danger of accepting, with few questions, a story that fits our preconceptions
about how various actors will behave and who to trust. I spent a long time
working on this story, which was really a luxury, and given the demands of the
journalism industry (shrinking budgets, correspondents expected to cover dozens
of countries), the reality is that we have to get the story quickly and often rely
on second-hand accounts.
which I hope I’ll always keep in mind while working as a journalist, is the
danger of accepting, with few questions, a story that fits our preconceptions
about how various actors will behave and who to trust. I spent a long time
working on this story, which was really a luxury, and given the demands of the
journalism industry (shrinking budgets, correspondents expected to cover dozens
of countries), the reality is that we have to get the story quickly and often rely
on second-hand accounts.
I’ve taken some heat — and I knew
I would — about a line in my piece about an instinct I had during some
interviews on my first trip to Luvungi that the women my Congolese colleague
and I spoke to, at the insistence of village elders, may not have been honest
with us. On my last visit for this story, I learned that two of the three women
(and possibly the third as well) had been evacuated from Luvungi, along with
four other elders, by ICRC, in 2012. Local civil society sources explained that
the community had grown frustrated and hostile after all of the attention
didn’t lead to the assistance people had expected, and these six were blamed because
they had been the gatekeepers of the story — the people that any outsider
would meet with first. “People wanted to kill them,” said one activist,
“because they sold us.”
I would — about a line in my piece about an instinct I had during some
interviews on my first trip to Luvungi that the women my Congolese colleague
and I spoke to, at the insistence of village elders, may not have been honest
with us. On my last visit for this story, I learned that two of the three women
(and possibly the third as well) had been evacuated from Luvungi, along with
four other elders, by ICRC, in 2012. Local civil society sources explained that
the community had grown frustrated and hostile after all of the attention
didn’t lead to the assistance people had expected, and these six were blamed because
they had been the gatekeepers of the story — the people that any outsider
would meet with first. “People wanted to kill them,” said one activist,
“because they sold us.”
And so it seems that my
colleague’s impression that they had been “coached” or that the stories had
been rehearsed pans out. Obviously an instinct is just a starting point, but it’s
worth pausing to consider, because, as in this case, it can lead to a host of
questions that were nowhere on our radar when we first arrived in the village.
colleague’s impression that they had been “coached” or that the stories had
been rehearsed pans out. Obviously an instinct is just a starting point, but it’s
worth pausing to consider, because, as in this case, it can lead to a host of
questions that were nowhere on our radar when we first arrived in the village.
There’s no question that sexual
violence is a huge problem in Congo. Through this research I was struck by how
little focus is being devoted to the underlying causes of sexual violence and
in particular, the very troubling role civilians play in perpetrating the
majority of attacks. And while this is openly discussed in eastern Congo, for
some reason it’s a reality that many Western donors and NGOs are less
interested in tackling — or even acknowledging. But doing so, in part through
prompting from journalists, seems like an important starting point for actually
ending the problem.
violence is a huge problem in Congo. Through this research I was struck by how
little focus is being devoted to the underlying causes of sexual violence and
in particular, the very troubling role civilians play in perpetrating the
majority of attacks. And while this is openly discussed in eastern Congo, for
some reason it’s a reality that many Western donors and NGOs are less
interested in tackling — or even acknowledging. But doing so, in part through
prompting from journalists, seems like an important starting point for actually
ending the problem.
Laura Heaton is a Kenya-based freelance journalist and consultant at the Enough Project.