02 09 13 FAREWELL (!) AND REUTERS: Insight – Getting tough in Congo: can risk pay off for U.N. forces?
GOMA,
Democratic Republic of Congo (Reuters) – In lawless eastern Democratic Republic
of Congo, a new U.N. force is trying a different strategy for keeping the peace:
going on the attack.
Democratic Republic of Congo (Reuters) – In lawless eastern Democratic Republic
of Congo, a new U.N. force is trying a different strategy for keeping the peace:
going on the attack.
The
Force Intervention Brigade has in recent days seen its first real action in an
operation to keep rebels away from the city of Goma, near Congo's border with
Rwanda. On Wednesday, one Tanzanian peacekeeper was killed and three other
brigade members injured.
Force Intervention Brigade has in recent days seen its first real action in an
operation to keep rebels away from the city of Goma, near Congo's border with
Rwanda. On Wednesday, one Tanzanian peacekeeper was killed and three other
brigade members injured.
Created
by the U.N. Security Council earlier this year, the unit represents an
aggressive step up for U.N. peacekeeping operations in the region, which for
years have been criticised for inaction and failing to protect
civilians.
by the U.N. Security Council earlier this year, the unit represents an
aggressive step up for U.N. peacekeeping operations in the region, which for
years have been criticised for inaction and failing to protect
civilians.
In
the past, in Congo and elsewhere, peacekeeping missions usually saw U.N. troops
use force only in self-defence or to protect non-combatants. The new
3,000-strong brigade has a specific mandate for "targeted offensive operations"
to "neutralise" and disarm rebel groups. Part of MONUSCO, the existing U.N.
peacekeeping mission with 20,000 personnel spread across the vast central
African state, the brigade is made up of contingents from South Africa, Tanzania
and Malawi.
the past, in Congo and elsewhere, peacekeeping missions usually saw U.N. troops
use force only in self-defence or to protect non-combatants. The new
3,000-strong brigade has a specific mandate for "targeted offensive operations"
to "neutralise" and disarm rebel groups. Part of MONUSCO, the existing U.N.
peacekeeping mission with 20,000 personnel spread across the vast central
African state, the brigade is made up of contingents from South Africa, Tanzania
and Malawi.
But
will the new troops help or hinder efforts to bring peace?
will the new troops help or hinder efforts to bring peace?
On
the streets of Goma, a trading hub on Lake Kivu, many people are angry with the
existing mission for not doing enough to protect them from either the Congolese
army or insurgent and militia groups that prey on civilians, raping, looting and
killing.
the streets of Goma, a trading hub on Lake Kivu, many people are angry with the
existing mission for not doing enough to protect them from either the Congolese
army or insurgent and militia groups that prey on civilians, raping, looting and
killing.
"If
MONUSCO does nothing, we'll take up our machetes and chase them out. If they
don't tackle the rebels, we'll do something to them," motorcycle taxi driver
Bienvenu Musoka told Reuters as a crowd jostled and heckled outside a meeting
calling for protests against the new brigade.
MONUSCO does nothing, we'll take up our machetes and chase them out. If they
don't tackle the rebels, we'll do something to them," motorcycle taxi driver
Bienvenu Musoka told Reuters as a crowd jostled and heckled outside a meeting
calling for protests against the new brigade.
As
white armoured vehicles lumbered through Goma's dilapidated streets on a recent
U.N. patrol, a voice crackled over the radio warning troops to "watch out for
stone-throwing, guys." The blue-helmeted soldiers were greeted by hostile stares
and gestures from local inhabitants.
white armoured vehicles lumbered through Goma's dilapidated streets on a recent
U.N. patrol, a voice crackled over the radio warning troops to "watch out for
stone-throwing, guys." The blue-helmeted soldiers were greeted by hostile stares
and gestures from local inhabitants.
The
disillusion is not hard to fathom. Rights groups point to a number of massacres
and abuses of civilians in eastern Congo over the last decade even though armed
U.N. peacekeepers were in nearby bases. When well-armed fighters from a rebel
group known as M23 swept into Goma in November after routing Congolese
government forces, Indian and South African U.N. troops did not stop them. M23
eventually withdrew under international pressure, but the debacle fuelled
resentment among residents.
disillusion is not hard to fathom. Rights groups point to a number of massacres
and abuses of civilians in eastern Congo over the last decade even though armed
U.N. peacekeepers were in nearby bases. When well-armed fighters from a rebel
group known as M23 swept into Goma in November after routing Congolese
government forces, Indian and South African U.N. troops did not stop them. M23
eventually withdrew under international pressure, but the debacle fuelled
resentment among residents.
Locals
want the new force to be much tougher.
want the new force to be much tougher.
"We
want MONUSCO and the brigade to react. Ban Ki-moon (the U.N. Secretary-General)
consoles us, tells us to wait whilst they formulate a strategy. That's because
it's not his wife being raped, not his children who are dying," said Willy
Mulumba, a small trader in one of Goma's chaotic markets.
want MONUSCO and the brigade to react. Ban Ki-moon (the U.N. Secretary-General)
consoles us, tells us to wait whilst they formulate a strategy. That's because
it's not his wife being raped, not his children who are dying," said Willy
Mulumba, a small trader in one of Goma's chaotic markets.
That
history means the new U.N. brigade starts operations facing a risky
dilemma.
history means the new U.N. brigade starts operations facing a risky
dilemma.
"If
it fails (to bring peace) there will be a backlash, and that's going to be bad
for Congo, and will discredit the U.N.," said Thierry Vircoulon, project
director for International Crisis Group in Central Africa.
it fails (to bring peace) there will be a backlash, and that's going to be bad
for Congo, and will discredit the U.N.," said Thierry Vircoulon, project
director for International Crisis Group in Central Africa.
But
if it imposes peace by force it risks stoking underlying tensions.
if it imposes peace by force it risks stoking underlying tensions.
"With
this offensive mandate MONUSCO is, even more than it was before, a party to the
conflict," Said Tariq Riebl, Oxfam's humanitarian co-ordinator in
Goma.
this offensive mandate MONUSCO is, even more than it was before, a party to the
conflict," Said Tariq Riebl, Oxfam's humanitarian co-ordinator in
Goma.
CRUCIBLE
OF CONFLICT
OF CONFLICT
Eastern
Congo has long been one of Africa's bloodiest battle fields. The roots of its
current conflict lie in the 1994 genocide in neighbouring Rwanda, where Hutu
soldiers and militia killed 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus.
Congo has long been one of Africa's bloodiest battle fields. The roots of its
current conflict lie in the 1994 genocide in neighbouring Rwanda, where Hutu
soldiers and militia killed 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus.
Tutsi
rebels led by Paul Kagame toppled the Hutu government and sent those responsible
for the genocide fleeing into eastern Congo along with two million Hutu
refugees. Kagame became Rwanda's president and pursued the "genocidaires", many
of whom remain in Congo and fight as the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of
Rwanda (FDLR).
rebels led by Paul Kagame toppled the Hutu government and sent those responsible
for the genocide fleeing into eastern Congo along with two million Hutu
refugees. Kagame became Rwanda's president and pursued the "genocidaires", many
of whom remain in Congo and fight as the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of
Rwanda (FDLR).
Two
civil wars have ensued, both launched from the east with Rwandan involvement.
The second, from 1998 to 2003, spawned a plethora of armed groups pitted against
a corrupt Congolese army. Humanitarian agencies estimate more than five million
people have died in the violence since 1998, despite the presence for most of
that time of a U.N. peacekeeping force.
civil wars have ensued, both launched from the east with Rwandan involvement.
The second, from 1998 to 2003, spawned a plethora of armed groups pitted against
a corrupt Congolese army. Humanitarian agencies estimate more than five million
people have died in the violence since 1998, despite the presence for most of
that time of a U.N. peacekeeping force.
From
a small group of military observers deployed in 1999, the U.N. presence morphed
into a full-fledged peacekeeping mission. In the early days, its mandates – the
rules under which its peacekeepers are deployed – were more defensive than
offensive. Blue-helmets had to protect U.N. and other personnel and civilians
"under imminent threat of physical violence."
a small group of military observers deployed in 1999, the U.N. presence morphed
into a full-fledged peacekeeping mission. In the early days, its mandates – the
rules under which its peacekeepers are deployed – were more defensive than
offensive. Blue-helmets had to protect U.N. and other personnel and civilians
"under imminent threat of physical violence."
The
mission has sometimes hurt itself. In the past, U.N. troops have been accused of
sexual misconduct and smuggling arms and gold. The U.N. says these cases have
been investigated and dealt with. As well, soldiers from Congo's army, which the
U.N. is backing, have been accused of raping and killing civilians. The U.N. has
threatened to halt cooperation with some Congolese units because of
this.
mission has sometimes hurt itself. In the past, U.N. troops have been accused of
sexual misconduct and smuggling arms and gold. The U.N. says these cases have
been investigated and dealt with. As well, soldiers from Congo's army, which the
U.N. is backing, have been accused of raping and killing civilians. The U.N. has
threatened to halt cooperation with some Congolese units because of
this.
On
occasion, the U.N. has taken a more offensive approach to the rebels. After
heavy fighting in 2003 between rival ethnic militias in northeast Ituri
district, the Security Council authorised France to deploy a mostly French
1,400-strong combat force to protect residents there. Two years later, also in
Ituri, Pakistani peacekeepers killed 50 militiamen days after nine Bangladeshi
blue-helmets were killed in an ambush.
occasion, the U.N. has taken a more offensive approach to the rebels. After
heavy fighting in 2003 between rival ethnic militias in northeast Ituri
district, the Security Council authorised France to deploy a mostly French
1,400-strong combat force to protect residents there. Two years later, also in
Ituri, Pakistani peacekeepers killed 50 militiamen days after nine Bangladeshi
blue-helmets were killed in an ambush.
In
2006, Indian U.N. troops used helicopter gunships, heavy weapons and armoured
vehicles to kill dozens of advancing Tutsi rebels near Sake, north of Goma. A
Congo army officer put the rebel deaths in that clash at 150.
2006, Indian U.N. troops used helicopter gunships, heavy weapons and armoured
vehicles to kill dozens of advancing Tutsi rebels near Sake, north of Goma. A
Congo army officer put the rebel deaths in that clash at 150.
In
general, though, in Congo and elsewhere, the U.N. has been wary of "peace
enforcement" ever since its involvement in Somalia in the 1990s. Appetite for
proactive intervention withered after the 1993 "Black Hawk Down" incident when
militia fighters shot down U.S. helicopters in Mogadishu, and killed 18 U.S.
soldiers in the ensuing battle.
general, though, in Congo and elsewhere, the U.N. has been wary of "peace
enforcement" ever since its involvement in Somalia in the 1990s. Appetite for
proactive intervention withered after the 1993 "Black Hawk Down" incident when
militia fighters shot down U.S. helicopters in Mogadishu, and killed 18 U.S.
soldiers in the ensuing battle.
"A
STRONG REQUEST FROM THE AFRICANS"
STRONG REQUEST FROM THE AFRICANS"
One
reason for the new approach in Congo is the rise of the M23 rebel group, which
emerged last year when former rebel fighters, who had been integrated into the
Congolese army, mutinied. The group takes its name from a March 23, 2009 peace
deal that ended a previous revolt.
reason for the new approach in Congo is the rise of the M23 rebel group, which
emerged last year when former rebel fighters, who had been integrated into the
Congolese army, mutinied. The group takes its name from a March 23, 2009 peace
deal that ended a previous revolt.
M23
accuse Congo's government and army of failing to honour that peace pact, and of
tolerating and collaborating with the Hutu FDLR fighters who they view as mortal
enemies.
accuse Congo's government and army of failing to honour that peace pact, and of
tolerating and collaborating with the Hutu FDLR fighters who they view as mortal
enemies.
U.N.
experts have reported that the group is backed and supplied by Rwanda. M23 and
the Rwandan government fiercely reject those accusations.
experts have reported that the group is backed and supplied by Rwanda. M23 and
the Rwandan government fiercely reject those accusations.
The
surprise capture of Goma by M23 last year left the U.N. fending off charges that
its troops stood idly by. The incident increased diplomatic pressure from a
number of African capitals, in particular Kinshasa, to get a new, tougher
brigade approved by the U.N. Security Council.
surprise capture of Goma by M23 last year left the U.N. fending off charges that
its troops stood idly by. The incident increased diplomatic pressure from a
number of African capitals, in particular Kinshasa, to get a new, tougher
brigade approved by the U.N. Security Council.
"It
was really a strong request from the Africans," a senior Western diplomat
said.
was really a strong request from the Africans," a senior Western diplomat
said.
But
some Western powers in the Security Council feared the deployment might worsen
rather than solve the violence.
some Western powers in the Security Council feared the deployment might worsen
rather than solve the violence.
"France,
U.S. and UK were very sceptical," the diplomat said. "We had the impression that
it would add violence to violence, that it was not 3,000 soldiers who were going
to change the balance and solve the issues."
U.S. and UK were very sceptical," the diplomat said. "We had the impression that
it would add violence to violence, that it was not 3,000 soldiers who were going
to change the balance and solve the issues."
A
senior U.N. official in New York confirmed the internal discussion. "The
Intervention Brigade is very controversial and not everyone is sold on it," the
official said.
senior U.N. official in New York confirmed the internal discussion. "The
Intervention Brigade is very controversial and not everyone is sold on it," the
official said.
Even
as it beefed up its military power, the U.N. threw its weight behind peace
talks; A U.N.-mediated peace deal was signed in February by 11 regional states,
including Congo and Rwanda. But separate direct talks between M23 and Congo's
government in the Ugandan capital Kampala have made little
progress.
as it beefed up its military power, the U.N. threw its weight behind peace
talks; A U.N.-mediated peace deal was signed in February by 11 regional states,
including Congo and Rwanda. But separate direct talks between M23 and Congo's
government in the Ugandan capital Kampala have made little
progress.
Some
say negotiations may have been undermined by the new U.N. military force. "The
U.N. is stuck between its aggressive mandate and peace talks, leading to a
somewhat schizophrenic policy," Congo expert Jason Stearns wrote this month on
his Congo Siasa blog.
say negotiations may have been undermined by the new U.N. military force. "The
U.N. is stuck between its aggressive mandate and peace talks, leading to a
somewhat schizophrenic policy," Congo expert Jason Stearns wrote this month on
his Congo Siasa blog.
Axel
Queval, MONUSCO's acting head in North Kivu province, where Goma is located,
sees the brigade working in tandem with political negotiations.
Queval, MONUSCO's acting head in North Kivu province, where Goma is located,
sees the brigade working in tandem with political negotiations.
"The
door for negotiations is always open, but if the negotiations can't work, then
of course the brigade is here to put pressure on. It's a little bit of the
carrot and the stick," Queval said.
door for negotiations is always open, but if the negotiations can't work, then
of course the brigade is here to put pressure on. It's a little bit of the
carrot and the stick," Queval said.
Congolese
authorities want the brigade to act – and fast. "My advice to the United Nations
would be to move more quickly. The resolution which was voted mustn't just
remain a bit of paper," said Julien Paluku, governor of North Kivu. "I think we
must finish with M23, with FDLR militarily … This is the first time the U.N.
has created an offensive brigade for peacekeeping. If it fails, it's going to be
bad for them."
authorities want the brigade to act – and fast. "My advice to the United Nations
would be to move more quickly. The resolution which was voted mustn't just
remain a bit of paper," said Julien Paluku, governor of North Kivu. "I think we
must finish with M23, with FDLR militarily … This is the first time the U.N.
has created an offensive brigade for peacekeeping. If it fails, it's going to be
bad for them."
The
U.N. resolution behind the brigade foresees three infantry battalions, one
artillery group and one special force and reconnaissance company under the
direct command of the MONUSCO force commander.
U.N. resolution behind the brigade foresees three infantry battalions, one
artillery group and one special force and reconnaissance company under the
direct command of the MONUSCO force commander.
But
U.N. officials admit the brigade's deployment is still only two thirds complete.
The Malawians have not yet arrived and the South African and Tanzanian
contingents do not have all their equipment yet.
U.N. officials admit the brigade's deployment is still only two thirds complete.
The Malawians have not yet arrived and the South African and Tanzanian
contingents do not have all their equipment yet.
Wednesday's
deadly skirmish has raised questions about whether the U.N. unit has the force,
firepower and equipment to carry out its mandate. This is especially sensitive
in South Africa, which in March saw 15 of its soldiers killed in Central African
Republic during a rebel takeover there.
deadly skirmish has raised questions about whether the U.N. unit has the force,
firepower and equipment to carry out its mandate. This is especially sensitive
in South Africa, which in March saw 15 of its soldiers killed in Central African
Republic during a rebel takeover there.
"The
force is too small, it's not mobile enough," South African defence and military
analyst Helmoed Romer Heitman told Reuters of the new brigade. South Africa's
National Defence Union (SANDU), which represents military personnel, issued a
statement after this week's fighting expressing concern that South African
troops are backed not by their own air force's Rooivalk (Red Kestrel) attack
helicopters but by the U.N.'s Ukrainian-piloted Mi-24 gunships. The Rooivalks
are due to arrive in Congo in October.
force is too small, it's not mobile enough," South African defence and military
analyst Helmoed Romer Heitman told Reuters of the new brigade. South Africa's
National Defence Union (SANDU), which represents military personnel, issued a
statement after this week's fighting expressing concern that South African
troops are backed not by their own air force's Rooivalk (Red Kestrel) attack
helicopters but by the U.N.'s Ukrainian-piloted Mi-24 gunships. The Rooivalks
are due to arrive in Congo in October.
ATROCITIES
AND MASSACRES
AND MASSACRES
The
newly appointed commander for MONUSCO is Brazilian Lieutenant General Carlos
Alberto dos Santos Cruz, whose previous U.N. experience involved fighting
criminal gangs in the slums of Haiti's capital, Port-au-Prince. He recognises
that his troops face a credibility test in Congo.
newly appointed commander for MONUSCO is Brazilian Lieutenant General Carlos
Alberto dos Santos Cruz, whose previous U.N. experience involved fighting
criminal gangs in the slums of Haiti's capital, Port-au-Prince. He recognises
that his troops face a credibility test in Congo.
"We
are supposed to have courage and take action, but sometimes the inaction is
absolute," he told international NGOs at a meeting in July, according to minutes
taken by one group present. "We must be accountable (for) it."
are supposed to have courage and take action, but sometimes the inaction is
absolute," he told international NGOs at a meeting in July, according to minutes
taken by one group present. "We must be accountable (for) it."
Dos
Santos Cruz was unavailable for an interview.
Santos Cruz was unavailable for an interview.
Oxfam's
Riebl said that even as the new brigade is being deployed, militias and warlords
have been attacking local communities without the U.N. intervening. The town of
Pinga, in the mineral-rich highlands of North Kivu, has changed hands between
rival militias at least eight times since last year, he said. Medical charity
Doctors Without Borders was forced to suspend its acitivies in Pinga this month
because of violence and after direct threats to staff.
Riebl said that even as the new brigade is being deployed, militias and warlords
have been attacking local communities without the U.N. intervening. The town of
Pinga, in the mineral-rich highlands of North Kivu, has changed hands between
rival militias at least eight times since last year, he said. Medical charity
Doctors Without Borders was forced to suspend its acitivies in Pinga this month
because of violence and after direct threats to staff.
"We've
seen atrocities and massacres committed, people being decapitated … we're
definitely talking about hundreds in the last few months. All of this has
happened in a town where there is a U.N. base, which has been there
permanently," Riebl said.
seen atrocities and massacres committed, people being decapitated … we're
definitely talking about hundreds in the last few months. All of this has
happened in a town where there is a U.N. base, which has been there
permanently," Riebl said.
REBEL
DEFIANCE
DEFIANCE
As
the brigade steps up its operations, they will face a battle-hardened
enemy.
the brigade steps up its operations, they will face a battle-hardened
enemy.
On
the road north from Goma, the final Congolese army checkpoints are followed by
kilometres of deserted villages before a rebel roadblock marks the edge of M23's
zone of control.
the road north from Goma, the final Congolese army checkpoints are followed by
kilometres of deserted villages before a rebel roadblock marks the edge of M23's
zone of control.
M23
leaders believe they hold the upper hand in the rugged hilly terrain they know
so well. At M23's headquarters along the Congo-Uganda border, M23 President
Bertrand Bisimwa told Reuters a U.N. offensive would be a "mistake". Wearing a
crisp khaki suit and cowboy hat, and surrounded by fighters in camouflage and
gumboots, Bisimwa said his forces would fight back.
leaders believe they hold the upper hand in the rugged hilly terrain they know
so well. At M23's headquarters along the Congo-Uganda border, M23 President
Bertrand Bisimwa told Reuters a U.N. offensive would be a "mistake". Wearing a
crisp khaki suit and cowboy hat, and surrounded by fighters in camouflage and
gumboots, Bisimwa said his forces would fight back.
Rwanda
has also pushed back against the U.N. brigade, alleging U.N. commanders
discussed "collaboration" with Hutu FDLR rebels. The U.N. has asked Rwanda for
proof of this claim, which Kigali has not provided.
has also pushed back against the U.N. brigade, alleging U.N. commanders
discussed "collaboration" with Hutu FDLR rebels. The U.N. has asked Rwanda for
proof of this claim, which Kigali has not provided.
The
M23 rebels say their soldiers are more than a match for the untested U.N.
Intervention Brigade. "The Tanzanians are the toughest. But kill five South
Africans and they'll pack up and go home," one rebel leader said
derisively.
M23 rebels say their soldiers are more than a match for the untested U.N.
Intervention Brigade. "The Tanzanians are the toughest. But kill five South
Africans and they'll pack up and go home," one rebel leader said
derisively.
As
a recent convoy rumbled past tumbledown shacks in Goma, a South African soldier
in full battle gear summed up the feeling inside the brigade: "If (the
Congolese) can find a political solution, that'll be good for us, and good for
them. If not, we'll do what we've prepared to do."
a recent convoy rumbled past tumbledown shacks in Goma, a South African soldier
in full battle gear summed up the feeling inside the brigade: "If (the
Congolese) can find a political solution, that'll be good for us, and good for
them. If not, we'll do what we've prepared to do."
(Hogg
reported from Goma, Charbonneau from the United Nations in New York; Additional
reporting by David Lewis in Dakar, and Peroshni Govender and Pascal Fletcher in
Johannesburg; Writing by Pascal Fletcher; Editing By Richard Woods and Simon
Robinson)
reported from Goma, Charbonneau from the United Nations in New York; Additional
reporting by David Lewis in Dakar, and Peroshni Govender and Pascal Fletcher in
Johannesburg; Writing by Pascal Fletcher; Editing By Richard Woods and Simon
Robinson)